A Question of Identity?

Eight in 10 (80%) of the adult British population say they are in favour of ID cards, and slightly more (83%) say they would be happy to carry the card at all times -- according to a MORI survey carried out for specialist IT consultancy Detica [note 1].

This startling finding suggests that the Government is on firm ground in proceeding with the Home Secretary's proposal to introduce ID cards.

The British have carried identity (ID) cards before. Introduced during the Second World War, they survived through to 1952, when Winston Churchill's Government abolished them. In April this year, Home Secretary David Blunkett introduced legislation to bring them back, with a new national ID card scheme [note 2].

The issue has divided the Cabinet according to press reports, and certainly provoked vociferous dissent from civil liberties groups. But Mr Blunkett has pointed to strong backing from the public submissions and polling work carried out during the consultation period on the proposed scheme .

Previous MORI research -- albeit with a differently worded question [note 3] -- indicates that this attitude is fairly stable over time. In 1995, three quarters (75%) supported the introduction of an identity card; in the aftermath of the attacks on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon in September 2001, support rose to 85%.

Issuing proposals is one thing. Assuming that the legislation is enacted, experience of other major public sector IT projects suggests that making it work is likely to be more of a challenge. Maintaining public support over a prolonged implementation phase will be important. The Detica/MORI ID card survey points to a number of potential pitfalls that will need to be addressed.

The civil liberties concerns raised by some of those who oppose the scheme are not widely shared. Three in four (74%) say they are pretty unconcerned that the cards could have a negative impact on their personal freedom.

However, this does not mean that there is a carefree attitude to personal data. A substantial minority -- four in 10 (41%) -- aren't confident that the Government can be trusted to hold their personal data securely.

Even more of a concern is that nearly six in 10 (58%) don't believe that the Government can be trusted to introduce the scheme smoothly. In the light of these worries, the decision to phase the scheme in, rather than go for a 'big bang' launch, makes a lot of sense. The new cards will be somewhat different from their 1940's predecessors. MORI asked people how they would prefer a card to identify them. More 'traditional' methods are the most popular -- a photo (54%) and fingerprints (52%) -- but a substantial minority also select more 'innovative' technologies -- an iris (eye) scan (42%) and DNA details (35%) -- to link them uniquely to their card. Intriguingly, the older, 55+ age group select the latter two technologies more frequently than those aged 16-34. The Government's proposals already recognise that concessions to the less well off will be needed in respect of the 16335 proposed charge for a plain identity card. But, with almost half (48%) saying that they would not want to pay anything, the idea of charging someone in order for them to prove who they are will have to be sold to the public.

What reasons are underpinning support for ID cards? As the chart shows, preventing illegal immigration is the most popular justification. Despite the 'war on terror', preventing terrorism is some way down the list, suggested by fewer than one in five (16%). Even when the public are prompted with a list of eleven possible benefits, it only comes ninth, identified by 66%, compared to stopping people applying for goods / services / money fraudulently at number one on 78%.

Q For what reasons are you in favour of a national identity card scheme? (All reasons mentioned by 10% or more of respondents. Unprompted.)

Base: 805 British adults favouring ID cards from a sample of 1,000 interviewed by telephone 18-23 March 2004

How does the ID card scheme play with voters? Support for the idea is only slightly preferred among Conservatives, particularly when we look beneath the headline figures in the table below. Among Conservative supporters, nearly six in 10 (57%) are strongly in favour, compared to just over half (53%) of Labour supporters and four in 10 (42%) of Lib Dems.

Q To what extent, if at all, are you in favour of or opposed to a national identity card scheme?

Base: British adults, aged 16+ (1,000), Source: MORI

A final warning: fewer than a third (27%) say they know either a great deal or a fair amount about the proposed scheme. As the details of the proposal and what it means become more widely known, attitudes will change. That's what campaigning is all about, and we know from other campaigns, once those strongly opposed get the bit in their teeth, they tend to convince those who are generally in favour, but who can be swung over.

That's apparently what happened in Australia when public support was high going in, but waned when the arguments were put by those who strongly were opposed to ID cards, and who convinced their countrymen to reject it in the end.

Key Political Findings

1. MORI interviewed a sample of 1,000 adults aged 16+, across Great Britain, between 18-23 March 2004. Interviews were conducted via the MORI Telephone Omnibus. The data were weighted to the known profile of the British population.
2. Between July 2002 and January 2003
3. In 1995 and 2001, we asked 'There has been talk recently about the Government introducing a national identity card that people could carry with them. On balance, do you support or oppose the introduction of a national identity card scheme?' In the survey for Detica, the question was 'To what extent, if at all, are you in favour of or opposed to a national identity card scheme?'